\n\n“Donald Trump became the first Republican presidential candidate to win Zapata County\u2019s vote in a hundred years. But it wasn\u2019t its turn from a deep-blue history that seemed to be the source of such fascination but rather that, according to the census, more than 94 percent of Zapata\u2019s population is Hispanic or Latino.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Zapata (population less than 15,000) was the only county in South Texas that flipped red, but it was by no means an anomaly: To the north, in more than 95-percent Hispanic Webb County, Republicans doubled their turnout. To the south, Starr County, which is more than 96-percent Hispanic, experienced the single biggest tilt right of any place in the country; Republicans gained by 55 percentage points compared with 2016. The results across a region that most politicos ignored in their preelection forecasts ended up helping to dash any hopes Democrats had of taking Texas.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n
…<\/p>\n\n\n\n
“The shift, residents and scholars of the region say, shouldn\u2019t be surprising if, instead of thinking in terms of ethnic identity, you consider the economic and cultural issues that are specific to the people who live there. Although the vast majority of people in these counties mark \u201cHispanic or Latino\u201d on paper, very few long-term residents have ever used the word \u201cLatino\u201d to describe themselves. Ascribing Trump\u2019s success in South Texas to his campaign winning more of \u201cthe Latino vote\u201d makes the same mistake as the Democrats did in this election: Treating Latinos as a monolith.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ross Barrera, a retired U.S. Army colonel and chair of the Starr County Republican Party, put it this way: \u201cIt\u2019s the national media that uses \u2018Latino.\u2019 It bundles us up with Florida, Doral, Miami. But those places are different than South Texas, and South Texas is different than Los Angeles. Here, people don\u2019t say we\u2019re Mexican American. We say we\u2019re Tejanos<\/em>.\u201d”<\/p>\n\n\n\n …<\/p>\n\n\n\n “Nearly everyone speaks Spanish, but many regard themselves as red-blooded Americans above anything else. And exceedingly few identify as people of color. (Even while 94 percent of Zapata residents count their ethnicity as Hispanic\/Latino on the census, 98 percent of the population marks their race as white.) Their Hispanicness is almost beside the point to their daily lives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In the end, Trump\u2019s success in peeling off Latino votes in South Texas had everything to do with not<\/em> talking to them as Latinos. His campaign spoke to them as Tejanos, who may be traditionally Democratic but have a set of specific concerns\u2014among them, the oil and gas industry, gun rights and even abortion\u2014amenable to the Republican Party\u2019s positions, and it resonated. To be sure, it didn\u2019t work with all of Texas\u2019 Latinos; Trump still lost that vote<\/a> by more than double digits statewide, and Joe Biden won more<\/a> of the nationwide Latino vote than Hillary Clinton did in 2016. But Trump proved that seeing specific communities as persuadable voters and offering targeted messaging to match\u2014fear of socialism in Miami-Dade\u2019s Venezuelan and Cuban communities, for example\u2014can be more effective than a blanket campaign that treats people as census categories. And in the end, it was enough to keep Florida and Texas in his column.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n …<\/p>\n\n\n\n “by pursuing the coveted \u201cLatino vote\u201d nationally, the Biden campaign created a massive blind spot for itself in South Texas, where criticizing Trump\u2019s immigration regime and championing diversity just does not play well among a Hispanic population where many neither see themselves as immigrant or diverse.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n